As much as Tunisia’s initial, post-independence, political transition was influenced by the extent and nature of economic support from the West, the success of the country’s waning post-revolution «democratic transition» is significantly impacted by the same US and EU powers. A misnomer that diminishes the scope and complexity of international alliances and enmities that it encompasses, the Arab-Israeli conflict bears greatly upon Tunisia’s relations with Western democracies, the primary prospective investors and financial backers of political transition in Tunisia for the past half century.
Marzouki’s Request: Rendering a «Possible Foreign Military Sale to Tunisia» Actual and Immediate
It is perhaps owing to the urgency of his message, the grave threats that political instability in Libya and regional terrorism pose to Tunisia’s political climate in these next three months, the potential dissipation of a democratic alliance in the MENA region, the very straightforward request for military training and equipment, and more specifically twelve Black Hawk helicopters, that Marzouki’s appeal has been so widely diffused across US and international media outlets.
What is pertinent to note is that Marzouki’s request is the precipitous disbursal of materials that the US has already promised Tunisia.
ATT and New Cybercrime Draft Law are But Snags in Tunisia’s Threadbare Legislative System
It is the transgression from the notion of censorship as a right and protection against physical and verbal violence that Tunisia’s legislative body must now recalibrate in order to advance in this period designated as democratic transition. That Tunisian law adheres to international standards is not merely insufficient, but ill-fitted, unconstructive, and myopic if compliance with international conventions translates into the copy-paste importation of text and a lack of contextualization and comparative analysis.
If Pre-Election Consensus in Tunisia Means Converging on the Rules of the Game
The adoption of a charter signifying convergence on the ‘rules of the game,’ is precisely the sort of written agreement recommended by the International Crisis Group for continued, limited consensus that distinguishes healthy political party competition from enmity spurred by the prioritization of personal/partisan gain and power.
Political Islam/Political Prudence: Ennahda in the First and Second Elections of Transition
Taking an inventory of reports over the past two weeks that convey the clamor and chaos of Tunisia’s party politics gearing up for elections in October, one can appreciate a newfound irony in the attribution of—and the granting of an award for—’consensus’ to the Ennahda (or, for that matter, any other political) party.
تقرير المجموعة الدوليّة لمعالجة الأزمات: ثناء على التوافق السياسي في تونس والديمقراطيّة “الرتيبة”
بقلم ياسين بلامين، ترجمته إلى العربية محمد سميح الباجي عكّاز تناول تقرير نشرته المجموعة الدولية لمعالجة الأزمات (ICG) في 05 […]
Growing International Networks, Disintegrating National Consensus in the Countdown to Tunisia’s Elections
Even consequential economic woes pale slightly as the announcement of fixed election dates has solidified the finite temporality of transition, the imminent fork in the road and the uncertainty of the path towards which the ‘consensus’-driven country is steering—that of gradual progression through reform or stagnancy and gradual regression?
Rapport de l’International Crisis Group : Eloge du consensus ou la démocratie atone !
Si le rapport de ICG vise, à court terme et sans le dire clairement, la bipolarisation à l’anglaise ou à l’américaine de la scène politique tunisienne, cela nous semble une grave erreur d’appréciation du contexte politique tunisien, risquant d’encourager vers une pente dangereusement “atone”. Et de ce point de vue, nous avons plutôt tendance à faire davantage confiance dans la sagesse, parfois maladroite, il est vrai, des forces politiques tunisiennes qu’à celle ayant inspiré le rapport en question. Et, en définitive, l’ultime garde-fou, en l’occurrence l’opinion publique tunisienne, celle-ci semble avoir toujours réussi, à ce jour, à faire prévaloir cette forme de sagesse collective à chaque étape qui fut cruciale durant ce sinueux chemin de la transition démocratique tunisienne. Ça n’a pas toujours été facile, mais elle y parvient.
Tunisia: Harmonizing Politics and Media for and before the Elections
As much as instruments to monitor and ensure transparency and the constitutional operation of state powers and processes, the HAICA and the ISIE are, just several months into their roles, equally accountable for their own transparency and constitutional operation. The next six months will not only measure their competency and capacity to fulfill this dual responsability but will more generally decide the nature and successfulness of elections and the direction of the country through and beyond the transition period.
In the Name of National Security, ATT Poses Threat to Freedom of Expression, Separation of State Powers
Two recent articles from The International Business Times (New York) and Index on Censorship (a London-based organization that works to «protect freedom of expression around the world») resonate with the skepticism in publications from Tunisian media outlets and pose questions pertinent to national controversies that embody the challenges of post-revolution social and political transition.
Mesh Sayada : entre fantasme et réalité
Dans un article paru sur le New York Times du 20 avril, sous le titre « US promotes networks to foil digital spying », Sayada est mise à l’honneur comme la première ville tunisienne à se doter d’un réseau communautaire sans fil (WIFI) local gratuit pour tous. Ce projet pilote appelé « Mesh Sayada » permet aux habitants de se connecter à un serveur local hébergeant des services libres d’accès aux quelques 14000 habitants de cette ville côtière.
Amami and Mlouka Case Dismissed – and Rule of Law Prevails over Police Force
Lawyers, academics, politicians, civil society, more than one-hundred fifty organizations, Tunisians and internationals were part of the movement to FreeAzyz Amami and Sabri Ben Mlouka: democratic transition demands that the misuse of judicial power inherent in police state be replaced by the precedence of an independent justice.
Le “non-lieu” de Azyz Amami, l’État de police, l’État de droit et la transition démocratique
La différence entre un État de Police et un État de droit, c’est, entre autres, le Code de procédure pénale. La relaxe de Azyz et de Sabri s’inscrit dans ce long cheminement de notre pays vers cet État de droit. Ça ne sera pas toujours facile. Nombreux sont encore ceux qui se comportent dans ce pays, comme s’il relevait de la ferme du grand-père.
Azyz Amami ou les limites de la transition démocratique
Force est de constater que la réussite de la « transition démocratique » que le gouvernement appelle de ses vœux ne repose pas seulement sur le rétablissement de la croissance, l’organisation d’élections libres et la mise en œuvre d’une constitution. Elle passe aussi par l’abandon des violences policières et la révision de procédures judiciaires aussi injustes qu’absurdes dans le contexte d’une démocratie qu’on veut apaisée. Elle repose sur la capacité des gouvernants à susciter la confiance de leurs administrés.
‘US Promotes Network to Foil Digital Spying’ …while Sayada Builds Network to Foster Digital Justice
That the Mesh Sayada case study has been presented in the context of US surveillance operatives is relevant to one discussion but is meanwhile a superficial and imprecise presentation of the project for citizens who participated in its development and to whom it belongs. The mesh network was not brought to Sayada; it was built in Sayada as a locally-devised, collaboratively-implemented initiative to promote Open Source and Open Data principles.
Que la société civile se charge du pouvoir dans les gouvernorats et les municipalités au nom de la démocratie participative !
À peine née la démocratie en Tunisie risque d’être étouffée par les combines et les menées politiciennes des partis, surtouts les grands parmi eux sur la scène politique. Une entente se dessine même pour une gestion concertée du pays et de ses intérêts par deux forces du moment avec pour impératif majeur la restauration coûte que coûte et au plus vite de l’autorité de l’État.
Revitalizing Tourism? The ‘Start-up Democracy Team’ Spins a New Image for Tunisia
What does foreign media make of the Ministry of Tourism’s recent decision to regulate the entry of Jews carrying Israel passports into the country? How will a national debate that encompasses questions of ethnicity, religion, secularism, history, and international relations influence potential tourists to Tunisia? For better or worse, the Djerba controversy and Karboulmania that have overcome Tunisia have yet to titillate the international community; if they have penetrated foreign media, the effects on potential tourists appear yet negligible, and reports are charged with neither the spit nor flame of online articles and commentaries from Tunisian journalists and readers alike.
The National Union of Tunisian Journalists Elects a New Executive Board
480 out of 873 union members voted in the elections, presumably due in part to the absence of those who were prevented from attending the event because they did not have the obligatory member cards. Neither the Nawaat nor other online sources dwell on what would appear to be a significant administrative error…