January 14, 2022, marked the eleventh year Tunisia has initiated what can be referred to as a ‘democratic process’. The state of play is now drastically different compared to a decade ago, to the extent an observer should ask: what does January 14 represent for Tunisians in 2022, if anything at all?
The symbolism of being the first and only female in the running for president is at once a defining strength and weakness of Kannou’s candidacy. Aside from this factor and given her dynamism in an election that is largely based on personality, Kannou’s lack of specific, pragmatic socio-economic project proposals limits her potential outstanding status amongst her political rivals in this election in spite of what international media might have liked to idealize.
What Euchi demonstrates in The Disappointment of the Revolution is the falling short of an effective transitional justice process, a degredation of standards since 2011 that has witnessed the successive criminalization of former regime officials to their pardoning, to the concession of their right to engage in politics. Those who were initially seen as “enemies” of the state have gradually come to be recognized as political equals, now rivals now allies as per the momentary needs of political parties vying for electoral ground.
The adoption of a charter signifying convergence on the ‘rules of the game,’ is precisely the sort of written agreement recommended by the International Crisis Group for continued, limited consensus that distinguishes healthy political party competition from enmity spurred by the prioritization of personal/partisan gain and power.
Taking an inventory of reports over the past two weeks that convey the clamor and chaos of Tunisia’s party politics gearing up for elections in October, one can appreciate a newfound irony in the attribution of—and the granting of an award for—’consensus’ to the Ennahda (or, for that matter, any other political) party.
Citizens, politicians, analysts, and union members expecting concrete decisions and well-elaborated intitiatives in Jomâa’s press conference last Wednesday felt either marked disappointment or resignation to the Prime Minister’s consistently long-winded and half-hearted commitments to real reform.
From July 25th onwards, socio-political forces have been seeking to transform Tunisia from a post-revolutionary to a “re-revolutionary” country. Complications have risen as “terrorist operations” seem to multiply, not by coincidence. It would be presumptuous to force a final analysis on the situation, since a lot of details remain mysterious; however, let us try to look at the “story” from different angles and perspectives.
La semaine précédente s’était terminée sur une note tendue à l’ANC avec le départ des élus de l’opposition jeudi 7 février. La semaine du 11 au 16 démarre dans une atmosphère tout aussi délétère. L’opposition a boycotté les séances en réclamant la tenue d’une plénière extraordinaire sur la situation politique. Pendant ce temps, les élus de la majorité ont entamé les débats sur le chapitre des collectivités publiques.
The dome shaped room was a sea of red and white. It smelled of amber musk and sea. The attendees were mostly well over the age of 40, and the buzz of excitement was impossible to miss. You would think you were attending a Michael Jackson concert. […]
By Neji Ali Dhakouani, Like all Tunisians I have been closely watching recent developments in my native country. While many […]
THE government of Tunisia must do more to uphold human rights and the rule of law and to allow political […]
Next Sunday, 25 October 2009, Tunisia will hold presidential and legislative elections in which it is virtually guaranteed that the incumbent, Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, who has been in power for the last 22 years and is now opposed by three other candidates, will be re-elected as president. As well, the ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party is expected to retain a majority of the seats in the parliament.
Tunisia is the most peaceful country in Africa, according to the latest Global Peace Index. It is also the top […]
During his address to the nation on the anniversary of Tunisia’s independence on March 20, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali did not hesitate to reject critical journalism and the right of journalists to cover corruption or mistakes by the government. As customary, local groups concerned with press freedom, including the Tunisian Observatory for Press Freedom and the Tunisian Journalists’ Syndicate, hesitated
“In Tunisia, the youth have lost hope and prospects. The movement of Gafsa is a matter of the whole society.” […]
Ecrit et publié sur Nawaat par Hannibal LeCarthaginois : Les critiques de Bsaies ne visent que défendre Ben Ali. S’imposant comme l’avocat du diable cet ex militant étudiant converti en mercenaire dévoile, ou plutôt prétend dévoiler, « l’autre dimension » de la délégation. N’ayant point d’argument pour défendre son président, il préfère contre-attaquer et soustraire toute légitimité […]
The significance of the 5th Congress (30 July-2 August 2008) of Tunisia’s ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) lies not in Bin Ali’s nomination for the October 2009 presidential elections, but rather in the set of challenges that could render his fifth and supposedly ‘last’ term a time of transition to a more open political system in 2014. The Congress, held
This search is powered By Nawaat experimental generative artificial intelligence. Begin typing your search or question above then press return. Press Esc to cancel.
